The National Lawyers Guild, the
International Association of Democratic Lawyers and the Haiti Support Group released a report, entitled Democracy Discouraged: International Observers and Haiti’s 2015 Elections,
today on the controversial
role played by the OAS and EU observation missions during the 2015
elections. The EU pulled its observers from Haiti in June 2016 in
protest over the decision to rerun the presidential elections, but the
OAS will be observing the October 9 elections. Below
is the Executive Summary of the report; the full document (pdf) is available here.
The
2015 elections in Haiti represent a monumental failure of international
electoral observation. With the Presidency, two-thirds of the Senate and the
entire Chamber of Deputies at stake, the elections were crucial for Haiti’s
political future. Instead of assessing the vote according to international
standards for democratic elections, the Organization of American States (OAS)
and European Union (EU) electoral observation missions consistently downplayed,
minimized and obfuscated the serious flaws and violations of voters’ rights
that occurred. Despite clear evidence of fraud, violence and irregularities,
OAS and EU observers opposed calls for an independent verification and defended
the integrity of the election results. The international observers’ positions
closely mirrored those of the United States and other large donor nations,
raising doubts about the neutrality and independence of such missions. Overall,
the presence of OAS and EU observers aggravated Haiti’s electoral crisis and
made a democratic outcome less, rather than more, likely.
On
August 9, 2015, legislative elections were marred by widespread incidents of
fraud, violence and voter intimidation. As a result, the vote was annulled at
13 percent of voting centers, and nearly a quarter of all tally sheets were
destroyed, lost or excluded from the final results. Election-day unrest and
poor organization led to low turnout (18 percent) and the disenfranchisement of
many voters. Except in rare cases, police officers stationed at voting centers
did not intervene to halt acts of violence and other disruptions, raising
questions about whether officers had received an order from above directing
them to stand down.
On
October 25, 2015, most voters stayed away from the polls, out of apathy or fear
inspired by the violent and chaotic August 9 vote. Voting centers were instead
crowded with political party observers (mandataires), who cast multiple
fraudulent votes using blank accreditations that allowed them to vote without
being on the electoral list. These passes were illegally bought and sold prior
to the elections after the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) distributed
nearly 1 million of them to political parties and observer groups. Mandataire votes
and votes cast without proper documentation accounted for 40 percent of total
votes and had a decisive influence on the presidential, legislative and
municipal elections.
In
contrast to Haitian observers who strongly denounced the August 9 and October
25 elections, the OAS and EU observer missions described the elections as a
successful exercise of democracy. According to both missions, the August 9
elections were marked only by isolated incidents of violence and the October 25
elections experienced minor irregularities, neither of which significantly
impacted the electoral results. The heads of the international missions told
journalists that election day had unfolded in “near-total normalcy” on August 9
and that October 25 represented “a breath of hope for Haitian democracy.”
This
praise amounted to willful blindness on the part of the OAS and EU missions, as
they neglected the well-documented accounts of fraud, violence and
irregularities produced by Haitian observers and corroborated by reports from
local and international journalists. Even more disconcerting, both missions ignored
evidence of election-day violence and irregularities from their own observers.
One quarter of OAS observers were forced to withdraw due to violence at polling
places on August 9, while unrest at certain polling stations was so severe that
EU observers could not leave their vehicles. The EU and OAS observer missions
were aware of the risks that the CEP’s massive distribution of blank
accreditations entailed before October 25, but nevertheless ignored the black
market trade in accreditations and denied the scale of the mandataire multiple
voting.
The
EU and OAS observers’ endorsement of the October 25 election results undermined
Haitians’ efforts to address the irregularities. Massive protests calling for a
verification of the vote erupted after October 25, backed by Haitian observers,
civil society groups, popular organizations and opposition parties. The
electoral crisis culminated in the indefinite suspension of elections on
January 22, 2016 and the formation of an interim government. Two official
commissions, the Independent Electoral Evaluation Commission (CEEI) and the Independent
Commission for the Evaluation and Verification of Elections (CIEVE), were
appointed to investigate claims of fraud, with the latter concluding that the
presidential race should be rerun.
Every
step of the way, OAS and EU observers called for elections to continue despite
the tainted results and opposed verification of irregularities. In the face of
mounting evidence that a mass of fraudulent votes cast with illegally-purchased
accreditations distorted election results, the OAS eventually recognized that
“irregularities” (though not fraud) involving mandataires had become “a source
of concern” (November 6) and had “generated problems” (January 7). The EU
mission remained intransigent, alternately misrepresenting the conclusions or attacking
the credibility of the CEEI and CIEVE. Both missions consistently defended the
integrity of the official results, even after two official commissions
uncovered ample evidence of fraud and massive irregularities.
The
backing of the international observers lent legitimacy to the elections and
hindered efforts to initiate a verification process. Opponents of an
independent verification commission included former President Michel Martelly
and his allies, as well as the U.S. and other leading foreign powers in Haiti.
When pressing the interim authorities to move forward with the second round of
presidential elections, U.S. government officials referred to the international
stamp of approval given by the OAS and EU missions as the explanation for why it
considered verification unnecessary. The OAS and EU reports were used to attack
the credibility of Haitian observers, political parties and others demanding an
investigation. In addition, the international media cited the EU and OAS
observers as credible sources far more frequently than Haitian observers,
shaping perceptions of the elections abroad.
The
principal function of international observation missions is to ensure that the
monitored elections comply with international standards for free and fair
elections. Yet despite the widespread and documented violations of voters’
rights, the EU and OAS endorsed both elections as meeting international standards.
The flawed assessments suggest that international observer missions are subject
to influence by the powerful memberstates that sponsor them. OAS and EU
observers’ positions on the 2015 elections closely mirrored those of the U.S.,
Canada, France and Spain – especially where they deviated from the consensus of
local observers and the press – an indication that protecting these states’
political and economic agendas in Haiti may have taken precedence over
upholding international standards.
The
following are recommendations to international electoral observation missions
made by Haitian electoral observers, which should be implemented in Haiti’s
upcoming elections (scheduled for October 9, 2016) and in future elections:
1.
Respect Haiti’s sovereignty and refrain from all interference in the electoral
process, including by economic means such as funding.
2.
Improve electoral observation missions’ independence and professionalism, not
only in observations, but also in public communication about the observation
results.
3.
Meet with Haitian civil society electoral observation missions before and after
the elections to learn their perspective.
4.
Improve the consideration of analyses, opinions and proposals of Haitian civil
society expressed in consultations.
5.
Support a constructive dialogue between political parties and Haitian civil
society organizations for solutions to political matters.
6.
Facilitate education campaigns and involvement of civil society organizations
to make elections a civic activity.
7.
Encourage participation of women candidates to meet the constitutional
guarantee of 30 percent female representation in all aspects of political life.
8.
Support investigation and sanctions provided by the electoral decree and the
Haitian Constitution for candidates, partisans, political parties and electoral
staff implicated in fraudulent operations.
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