Haiti’s
long-awaited, long-debated verification commission will soon see the light of
day … maybe. “We have chosen the five members of the commission, a decree will
be published shortly,” provisional President Jocelerme Privert told
journalists during an April 20 press conference at the airport, shortly before
leaving for a UN conference in New York. A verification commission has been a
key demand of many civil society organizations, human rights figures and
political parties, which for months have called for an investigation into electoral
fraud. But the idea of verifying the vote has many powerful opponents, from
former President Michel Martelly’s PHTK party and its allies in Parliament to
the U.S. and other Core Group countries funding Haiti’s elections. And nearly a
week after Privert’s announcement, the commission has still not been officially
constituted.
The
principal mission of a verification
commission, according to the terms of reference submitted
to Privert on April 14, is “to restore the confidence of political actors in
the electoral process by establishing the credibility of the 2015 election
results.” To do so, a five-member commission will perform an in-depth
evaluation of the vote and the prior decisions of the Electoral Litigation
Bureaus (BCED and BCEN). The commission will have 30 days to complete this
task, and all the major political parties and civil society groups will have
the right to observe its work.
Although
the members of the commission have not been officially announced, Le Nouvelliste confirmed
all five sectors have selected representatives: Erick Gaillard (representing
the Order of Haitian Chartered Accountants); Marc Donald Jean (Anglican
Church); Gédéon Jean (previous Evaluation Commission); Pierre Wilfrid Sanon (Haitian Association of
Construction Enterprises); and François Benoit (previous CEPs). The Haitian Association of Construction Enterprises
was given the task of nominating a representative after the National College of
Haitian Engineers and Architects declined to participate in the commission.
Behind the
scenes, the U.S. and other Core Group countries are reportedly demanding the right to
veto any of the verification commission’s conclusions. During Privert’s absence
from Haiti, foreign embassies have been stepping up pressure on interim Prime
Minister Enex Jean-Charles and parliamentarians to amend the commission’s terms
of reference, which currently give the 5-person commission “the final word” on
the fate of the elections, according to sources close to the Haitian government.
The Core Group wants to be able to challenge any decision by the verification
panel, which could ultimately lead to the cancellation of the presidential vote
or some legislative races, the Miami
Herald reported. Haiti’s major aid donors have cut off all
non-humanitarian funding to the country and have previously suggested that
funding for elections might be cut as well if the verification process is not
to their satisfaction.
Opponents
of Privert, both in parliament and in the streets, stepped up
their verbal attacks on the interim president, decrying the missed deadline of
April 24 and move toward verification as violations of the February 5 accord.
Former President Michel Martelly’s PHTK party has begun aggressively mobilizing
against the impending creation of a verification commission. PHTK spokesperson
Rudy Hériveaux denounced
the commission on April 16 as “a manipulation attempt” solely aimed at
eliminating Jovenel Moïse from the race. On April 24, 2,000 pink-clad PHTK
protesters marched
to the CEP’s headquarters in Pétionville, calling for the final round of
elections to be held as quickly as possible, without any verification.
Former
President Martelly personally wrote
to Privert on April 15, expressing his “shock” at the country’s inability to
hold elections without international interference and accusing the interim authorities
of attempting to make their temporary rule permanent. Martelly accused the
Privert administration of pursuing a “broad, practically unlimited agenda that
does not in any way correspond to its mandate.” Martelly seemed particularly
concerned by a number of judicial orders issued by public prosecutor Danton
Léger concerning drug trafficking and corruption charges against figures close
to the Tet Kale government. Martelly characterized Léger’s initiatives as a
vindictive campaign of “de-Martelly-ization” aiming to humiliate him and his
political allies.
Intriguingly,
Jude Célestin’s party LAPEH has also expressed growing hostility towards
Privert, despite their stated support for verification. LAPEH coordinator Jean
Hector Anacasis declared
on April 22 that he was suspicious of Privert’s motives: “Nothing says that Mr.
Privert will hold the elections. Nothing says that his true motivation isn’t a
tabula rasa.” Anacasis roundly criticized the
political makeup of Privert’s administration, and openly evoked the possibility
that LAPEH supporters could soon be in the streets alongside PHTK if elections
are not held soon. René Momplaisir, a popular organization leader who
campaigned for Célestin, resigned from his post
as political advisor to Privert, calling the government’s motives “obscure and
incomprehensible.”
Privert
and his spokepeople have shot back, placing the
blame for delays on pro-Martelly parliamentarians who blocked the appointment
of a Prime Minister. “The accord conferred on the electoral council the responsibility
to evaluate the phases already completed,” Privert argued on April 20.
“How can the credibility of the electoral process be guaranteed without this
verification commission? How can the political stability of this country be
guaranteed if we don’t organize credible elections?” Privert has also
repeatedly reminded critics that only the CEP has the power to establish an
electoral calendar.
The
move towards verification means Haiti’s elections will not be held according to
the deadlines set out in the February 5 political accord. April 24 was the date
for when the final round of elections were supposed to be held, with the
transfer of the presidential sash from Privert to an elected successor slated
for May 14. Privert has announced that the CEP is expected
to release the electoral calendar between May 15 and May 30, and suggested
that elections may be held in late October, to sync up with the expiration of
one-third of the Senate. The obvious irrelevance of the political agreement’s
timetable and the looming end of Privert’s 120-day mandate (which expires on
June 14) has led to calls from some sectors either for an extension of Privert’s
mandate or for a negotiation of a new accord.
The U.S. and
its allies in the international community, however, remain strongly opposed to
both options. While visiting Miami on April 14, Secretary of State John Kerry warned Haiti’s interim government that the U.S. would
tolerate the postponement of elections past April 24 only for a “minimal period
of time.” “Let me be crystal clear,”
Kerry said in an interview. “The Haitian players, the so-called leaders, need
to understand there’s a clear limit to the patience, the willingness of the
international community to condone this process of delay.” (Apparently unaware
of Kerry’s recent statement, a group of three U.S. senators wrote a letter on
April 15 urging Kerry to speak out in favour of quick elections.)
This hardline stance was reiterated by U.S.
Ambassador Peter Mulrean during a visit to Haiti’s parliament on April 20,
accompanied by the ambassadors of the EU, Germany, Spain and the UK. Mulrean
claimed that the February 5 accord did not call for any verification, and said
that the U.S. “fears that this commission could be used not only for a
technical verification but to pursue a political agenda.” Mulrean met with
Chamber of Deputies President Cholzer Chancy (a Privert opponent) and explained
that the visit was motivated by a “certain frustration” with Haiti’s political
situation. In a statement released on April 25, UN Secretary-General Ban
Ki-Moon expressed
his “deep concern” over the missed April 24 elections date set out in the
accord and called for the completion of the elections “without further delay.” While
noting the proposed verification commission, the Secretary General emphasized “the
need to conclude the process with the required urgency.”
Popular
organizations and political parties that mobilized against electoral fraud
after October 25 reacted with outrage to the international actors’ recent
statements. On April 20, UNNOH, MOLEGHAF, Lakou, Cercle Gramci, and MODEP held
a joint press conference to denounce the “arrogant
declarations of certain diplomats and other foreign actors.” The popular
organizations decried this foreign interference in Haiti’s domestic affairs as
an affront to national dignity, and urged Haitians not to allow the foreign
powers to impose leaders that would serve their interests while leaving the
people in misery. “It’s the will of the people that will prevail, and not that
of foreigners,” said UNNOH’s Josué Merilien.
Presidential
candidate Moïse Jean Charles of Plateforme Pitit Dessalines wrote a letter to
Barack Obama denouncing U.S. policy towards Haiti as based on a “flawed approach.”
The letter stated that the crisis had been caused by the “complacency or
complicity” of the international powers regarding Martelly’s corruption and his
attempt to steal the elections. Jean-Charles, who finished in 3rd place
according to the current results, later said that Privert
should have already kicked out the foreign ambassadors for making such
declarations, according to Radio Kiskeya.
Serge Jean-Louis, leader of Mouvement patriotique populaire dessalinien (MOPOD),
argued
that the international community’s stance raised doubts about its role in the
controversial 2015 elections.
One of the few
voices among the international community in favour of verification is Sir
Ronald Sanders. Even while expressing scepticism about scale of the fraud
alleged in the October 25 elections, the Antiguan diplomat has nonetheless argued that verifying the vote is absolutely necesary.. “The
reason for my conviction is precisely because there is a widespread and
overwhelming belief in Haiti that the first-round elections were seriously
flawed.” Drawing on his experience leading an OAS mission to Haiti tasked with
facilitating a negotiated solution to electoral crisis, Sanders explained: “Among
the over 50 groups with whom my team and I interfaced in Haiti in February, all
except Martelly’s Parti Haïtien Tet Kale (PHTK) party, expressed concern; some
stronger than others, but none without misgivings.” “If Jovenel Moïse and Jude
Célestin ... have faith in their electability, they should have no fear of
verification,” Sanders observed.
Sanders urged
the international community to give Haiti’s interim authorities the time and
resources it needs to conduct a credible verification. Without a verification,
Sanders worried, the elections would inevitably produce a president lacking the
legitimacy necessary to govern. “There can be no ‘quick fix’ in Haiti. Indeed,
it is the urge for quick fixes in the past, and the desire to wash hands of the
country, that has kept it in constant turmoil and retarded its chances for
long-term political stability and economic growth.”
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